The political history of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Gilgit-Baltistan has been marked by a persistent tension between Islamabad’s claims of representing Kashmiri interests and restrictions placed on political activity within the territories it administers.
In the territory officially described by Pakistan as the *so-called Azad Jammu and Kashmir*, the constitutional framework itself places limits on the political positions that can be pursued. Gilgit-Baltistan, meanwhile, has operated for decades under a governance arrangement in which Islamabad retains substantial authority while the region remains outside Pakistan’s constitutional structure as a province.
The restrictions in the so-called Azad Jammu and Kashmir are rooted partly in the territory’s interim constitution. Article 8 prohibits individuals and political parties from promoting positions opposed to accession to Pakistan. That provision effectively narrows the permissible political debate, particularly for those who support an independent Kashmir or advocate a political arrangement outside accession to Pakistan.
Human Rights Watch has previously documented the consequences of those restrictions, noting that supporters of Kashmiri independence can be prevented from fully participating in the political process. Its reporting has also pointed to the influence of Pakistan’s federal authorities over political, security and policy matters in the territory.
That structure leaves the territory with elected institutions while placing boundaries around the political choices that can be formally expressed. The distinction is significant. Holding elections does not, by itself, establish that every competing position on sovereignty, autonomy or the territory’s future can be presented to voters.
Gilgit-Baltistan has faced a different but related problem. Although the region received a Legislative Assembly in 2009 and its governance arrangements were subsequently amended in 2018, it has not acquired the constitutional status of a province and has no representation in Pakistan’s national parliament. Federal institutions continue to exercise considerable influence over security, judicial and major policy matters.
The question of political freedom is accompanied by allegations of coercion against dissenters. The material supplied for this report cites claims presented at a United Nations Human Rights Council event in October 2025 alleging more than 32,000 enforced disappearances across Pakistan-administered territories and identifying 44 alleged internment centres.
The same material alleges that activists in PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan have been subjected to imprisonment, terrorism and espionage charges and forced into exile. Those figures and allegations are reproduced from the supplied material and require independent verification before being treated as established findings.
Restrictions have also affected the media and civil society. Journalists and rights campaigners documenting alleged abuses have reportedly encountered threats, censorship and imprisonment. The supplied material further alleges that Pakistan’s anti-terrorism and sedition legislation has been used against political critics and dissenting voices.
Economic control has become another source of friction, particularly in Gilgit-Baltistan. Land, minerals and infrastructure projects have generated disputes between local communities and authorities. In April 2025, residents in Shigar district protested over what they described as state and military attempts to control local land and mineral resources.
The protests were linked to a proposed Mines and Minerals Bill. Activists alleged that the legislation could permit the exploitation of gold, copper, gemstones and other mineral resources without sufficient participation or consent from local communities.
CPEC has added to these concerns because major infrastructure routes pass through Gilgit-Baltistan. The supplied material alleges that communities have faced land acquisition linked to CPEC projects and inadequate compensation. It also makes claims about demographic changes in the region. Those demographic allegations, like the resource-related claims, are presented here as claims from the source material rather than independently verified conclusions.
In PoK, economic grievances have increasingly converged with demands for political representation. The Joint Awami Action Committee, which emerged in 2023 around demands including lower electricity costs and greater representation, developed into a wider mobilisation by 2026.
The supplied material says authorities responded with measures including communications restrictions, arrests and increased deployment of security personnel. It also alleges that the organisation was designated a terrorist group and that senior activist Shahzaib Habib was killed. The material places the reported death
